Thou Shalt Endure Endless Chaos to Prevent Social Unrest
Fear of a political reckoning
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By D.E.
A Toronto Star opinion piece by Faisal Kutty (@themuslimlawyer) warns that “Canada is dangerously close to an eruption of social unrest”. As far as the headline goes, Kutty and I agree, with the caveat that Canada is not on the verge of unrest, but neck-deep into it.
In the last few weeks alone, multiple terrorists plots have been planned within our borders. Two people were brutally assaulted, one fatally, as the heinous trend of ‘stranger attacks’ continues. The plight for a Khalistan state in India’s Punjab region has become a deadly domestic issue: on the tail of an activist assassination last year, bullets flew in Brampton and Hindu temples were vandalized due to this diaspora agenda. Pro-Palestine protests have subjected Canadians to a never-ending stream of blocked roads, dehumanizing chants, and general social breakdown.
The post-national state is in trouble. Kutty is right to worry.
Beyond the headline, Kutty and I part ways, because Kutty is entirely uninterested in the plague of “social unrest” suffered by the nation today. Kutty’s only concern is that, perhaps one day, the far right will rise in response.
Kutty points to the recent riots in the UK as cause for concern. If far right sentiment is “left unaddressed”, he argues, it “could easily ignite unrest in Canadian cities”. Such threat deflection is as commonplace in media punditry as it is intellectually dishonest, but as Kutty’s piece demonstrates the rhetorical weapons endlessly launched at innocent Canadians, it’s worth the read. Across elite culture - by which I mean our transnational political and pundit class, legacy media, public education, academia, global governance, and government/corporate bureaucracies – tactics are routinely deployed to coerce the Anglosphere into accepting the unacceptable. Among them are ‘threat minimization’, ‘deceit by omission’, and ‘emotional manipulation’.
Threat Minimization
Threat minimization is when the politically inconvenient costs associated with politically common practices are systemically downplayed or outright ignored. The costs of the current approach to immigration and multiculturalism in the Anglosphere today are an example. Hyper immigration is exacerbating our worst social problems, from housing unaffordability to service shortages to social strife. At the same time, boundless multiculturalism, whereby Western elites no longer even aspire to get newcomers to assimilate to western values, has robbed us of high trust societies and personal safety. It has moved ISIS-adjacent terrorists into our neighbourhoods and given rise to endless diaspora conflict on our streets. In Britain, these costs are demonstrably worse than in Canada, though only because they are further along in this sinister globalist experiment.
Yet, across the Anglosphere, the very real and emergent threats that haunt us today are seldom discussed while the theoretical threats that may one day emerge are constantly cited. Kutty’s first sentence minimizes the threats by framing the riots as a response to “the tragic stabbing of three young girls at a Taylor Swift-themed dance class”. At the risk of being pedantic, I would argue that, while fatal accidents are ‘tragic’, the targeted slaughter of young girls is savagery of heinous proportions – and describing the attack as the “stabbing of three young girls” is objectively inaccurate. Three girls died as a result of this slaughter; ten other people were injured (eight of them children) with six put in critical condition. This was a highly unusual act of carnage pre-meditated against innocent British children – and the British people are right to sense that something profound turns on how their authorities respond to it. Kutty’s article frames the riots as a reaction to one horrific event; in fact, the riots erupted within the context of two escalating trends that, taken together, pose an existential threat to British welfare: mass immigration and migrant/minority violence.
Minority violence against British children alone has risen to the status of a five-alarm problem. In targeting Taylor Swift fans, the Southport slaughter is eerily reminiscent of 2017’s Manchester Arena bombing when Islamic terrorists targeted an Ariana Grande concert (a pop star whose fanbase is tween and teen girls). The attack killed 22 people and injured over 1000. Multiple British children have been heinously victimized by minority groups and foreigners since. In August, a Romanian migrant stabbed a woman and girl in London, putting the 11-year old girl in a headlock and stabbing her multiple times in the face, shoulder, and neck. In April, a “dual Spanish-Brazilian national” went on a sword-wielding rampage in an English suburb, slaughtering a 14-year-old boy and injuring others. Less than a year ago, a 14-year old from an Iranian background” fatally stabbed a 15-year old through the heart in front of parents and children outside a primary school. In 2021, an asylum seeker from Iraq attempted to bomb the Liverpool Women’s Hospital, which specializes in (among other issues) maternity and neonatal care. On Mother’s Day in 2020, a female asylum seeker randomly stabbed 7-year-old Emily Jones to death. This is just a sprinkling of the violence Brits have been subjected to, and it comes downstream of the ghastly Rotherham “grooming gangs” scandal which exposed a decade’s long horror story of sex trafficking and gang rape inflicted upon working class British girls by predominantly Pakistani Muslim gangs.
To understand why some British people might have erupted in anger, rather than assuming their authorities will work to protect them, consider that the Rotherham horrors continued on for years without intervention, even though city officials and other authorities were aware of the abuse. The authorities “turned a blind eye to what was happening and refused to identify the perpetrators” because they feared “being branded racist” (Bindel, 2024). An estimated 1400 British children were sexually assaulted in Rotherham – and this form of systemic, inter-cultural violence is believed to be continuing in multiple towns across the country today. I am unaware of any remotely comparable systemic abuse of minority girls by white men.
At a moment in which questions of ‘proportionate response’ dominate political discourse, let us step back and take a ‘proportionate’ look at the current state of inter-ethnic violence in the West. While the Canadian government does not routinely publish the ethnicity/race of violent offenders (though they openly broadcast the demographics of victims), the Manhattan Institute reported that, in the US, “blacks commit 88 percent of all interracial violence between whites and blacks”. While the vast majority of African Americans do not commit any violent crimes against anyone at all, to the extent that America has a racial terror problem today, it is the exact inverse of the problem we are all still pretending it has. Yet it is not uncommon for university-educated liberals, political figures and media gurus to cite the fatal 1955 beating of Emmett Till in Mississippi, or the murder of four black girls in the 1963 Baptist Street Church Bombing, as the rationale for affirmative action, BLM ideology in public schools, open borders, reparations, and other race-based policy (even here in Canada). I have no objection to remembering those victimized by racial terror, but it seems to me that if the history of racial violence matters (and it does), it logically follows that the present-day reality of racial violence should matter too.
Kutty does not appear to agree.
He makes no mention of endless empirical facts demonstrating that there are enormous asymmetries with respect to who is, in fact, causing social unrest in modern-day Britain and Canada. UK terrorist attacks alone tell the story. The vast majority for many years have been carried out by the country’s (still relatively small) Muslim minority, a deep asymmetry that gets even worse when measured in terms of fatalities. Knife crime offences in England and Wales have increased by 80% in the last five years, with most of these crimes committed by “Black or Asian” perpetrators. The UK’s own 2021 census reports that while Muslims make up only 6.5% of the general population, they account for 18% of the prison population.
“Social unrest” had already consumed Britain long before the riots.
Deceit by Omission
Kutty further manipulates readers by telling half truths while holding back relevant information. He describes the attacker as “born in Cardiff” (Wales) but omits that the attacker is the child of Rwandan immigrants. Definitionally speaking, I accept that one is UK-born if born in the UK. From a cultural and identity perspective however, values, moral norms and culture are often intergenerational. There is nothing magic about being born within the borders of the United Kingdom. It does not immediately confer western values or British temperament upon the newborn. We can be sure that if the racialized child of immigrants was the target of an assault by white England lads (and not the perpetrator of a massacre), our elites would not simply describe the victim as “born in Cardiff”.
Kutty’s second deceit by omission is to reduce the cause of riots to social media ‘misinformation’. It is true that on July 29th, the day of the attack, posts circulated claiming the attacker was a Muslim asylum-seeker, however, it does not appear that riots broke out until July 30th, after police information refuting the claim had also broadly circulated online. A record of live reporting by BBC reports the first instance of protests turning violent at 20:27 BST on July 30th. This came after news of a man arrested at the vigil wearing a balaclava and brandishing a knife. Watching the events unfold in real time from Canada, it certainly appears plausible that the armed man at the vigil escalated the crowd’s sense of being under relentless attack – and that this may well have been the trigger for much of the violence.
We can be sure, however, that our Ruling Class will continue to insist that the riots were the direct and singular result of ‘misinformation’, not because this is self-evidently true, but because it is politically useful (and for multiple reasons). Firstly, blaming the riots on ‘misinformation’ allows them to dismiss the hardships unbounded multiculturalism is imposing on Western people. Unlike BLM riots in the United States, church burnings in Canada, statute-desecrating mobs in the United Kingdom, or pro-Palestine riots everywhere, the UK riots shall not be understood as the unfortunate, but ‘understandable’, eruption of righteous rage; they will be remembered as the parochial stupidity of a ‘misinformed’ mob.
Secondly, the ‘misinformation’ explanation provides grounds to censor and criminalize speech. Predictably, this is precisely what Kutty champions in his op-ed by endorsing the 33 recommendations of The Rise of Ideologically Motivated Violent Extremism in Canada report. This is also what is happening in Britain, where people are now threatened with imprisonment for Facebook posts on immigrant violence or for observing protests/riots, even as bystanders. Finally, the ‘misinformation’ theory provides a narrative nuclear weapon for any bad actor nefarious enough to use it (and Canada has no shortage of those). All it takes now to discredit popular will is to pitch some ‘misinformation’ into the social media firestorm. After that, the legitimate concerns of the unwashed masses can be dismissed as ‘misinformation’.
Emotional Manipulation
I maintain that the Canadian people are endlessly subjected to psychological abuse by our elites and state apparatus. Objectively speaking, Canadians would appear to be among the most open-minded and socially inclusive people in all human history, yet we are endlessly accused of grave misdeeds, from ‘systemic racism’ to committing an active genocide against Indigenous women and girls.
Emotional beatdowns are status quo in our country, and Kutty delivers his lashes with sadistic glee: “What can be an easier target” (than immigrants) “to blame for the housing crisis, degrading health-care system, social tensions and economic uncertainty faced by the average Canadian?” he asks. Canadians are presumed to lack the moral resolve to honestly assess policy failures, limited instead to “pointing fingers at foreigners”.
There are two manipulative implications in this rhetoric (which continues throughout Kutty’s piece): Firstly, he presents Canadians with a false choice: we can either stay silent about immigration challenges or we can “point fingers at foreigners”. We cannot, apparently, be sober-minded adults who are empathetic to aspiring-immigrants but also hold our government accountable for harmful policies.
Acknowledging that current immigration rates are too high, and should be reduced, is no more “anti-immigrant” than recognizing that our weight is too high, and therefore we should consume less calories, is “anti food”. The false dichotomy drawn between unrelenting immigration and low IQ bigotry is not a serious argument: it’s rhetorical blackmail. Such tactics are endlessly deployed against the Canadian people in the Trudeau era, perhaps most shamelessly by immigration Minister Marc Miller who, in one of many such cases, characterized Canadian concerns about housing as putting “all of society's woes on the backs of immigrants”, even after economist reports confirmed his immigration policy would push Canada into a housing calamity.
Kutty portrays the Canadian psyche as inherently reactionary and simple-minded. He takes it for granted that western people routinely scapegoat immigrants in baseless and illogical ways. I would argue that, far from routinely blaming immigrants for problems in Canada, the Canadian psyche treats immigration (and multiculturalism more broadly) as the Sacred Cow of modern society. ‘Diversity’ is the most sacrosanct and protected ideology in our nation.
If the Canadian psyche has a pathology as it relates to diversity, it is not a pathology of blaming immigrants, but rather one of denying minority issues at any cost.
When British Columbia saw a spike in anti-Asian hate crimes during the pandemic, Canadians could only talk about the issue as a ‘white supremacy’ problem, even when the offenders were people of colour (of note, in the US where demographic information was researched on such hate crimes, racial minorities were overrepresented as offenders). High rates of homicide perpetrated against Indigenous women by their partners and family members (predominately Indigenous men) are characterized as a ‘white colonial genocide’ problem. Racial minorities falling behind in school, or behaving in ways that get them suspended, is a ‘white supremacy culture’ problem. High incarceration rates among black and Indigenous Canadians are never considered a ‘criminality’ problem, only a ‘systemic racism’ problem. Even Islamic radicalism has been blamed on one imagined failure or another of the non-terrorist Canadian majority.
Canada is not a nation of immigrant-blaming reactionaries. It is a nation that bends over backwards to protect the reputation of minority groups while pretending ‘white supremacy’ is the root of all social ills.
“Social unrest” is upon us now
Kutty’s op-ed is one of the endless examples of propaganda used to make Canadians complacent in the face of national decay. We must not notice that immigration is outpacing housing stock, because that would be blaming immigrants. If we perceive that our streets are less safe, or that social cohesion is breaking down across the country, that’s giving rise to the far right.
An honest evaluation of Canada today begs a question: just how is the status quo now different from the far-right dystopia we’re constantly warned about? There is a growing problem of radical terrorists in Canada now. Is this more acceptable because they are inspired by ISIS and not Ted Kaczynski?
A heinous movement ‘to control women’s bodies’ is going strong in Canada, with little appetite from our political class to intervene. It comes in the form of barbaric genital mutilation to deprive women of sexual pleasure. Yet we continue to pretend the biggest threat to women’s freedom in Canada is the possibility that, perhaps one day, the far right will impose a term limit on abortion (there are no legal limits on abortion in Canada today).
An ‘ethnonationalist’ separatist movement exists in Canada – but apparently, there is no need to be alarmed, because the theocrats are Sikh and not Christian.
I could go on at length about the far right horrors unfolding across the country, from bullets shot into a Jewish school in Montreal, to a lesbian couple swarmed and attacked by maundering homophobes in Halifax. Moreover, the truly defining characteristic of a ‘fascistic state’ - state censorship and the criminalization of expression - is not only the recommendation of Kutty’s article, it’s a core policy objective of the Trudeau Liberals.
Such moral hypocrisy leads me to conclude that “social unrest” is not what elites are truly worried about. What they fear is the wrath of everyday Canadians should we wake up en masse to the ghastly conditions they have inflicted upon us.
Canadian elites will continue to minimize the costs they have imposed on us, no matter how bad things get. They will endlessly slander and malign those of us who see the problem. They will make every stealth move possible to censor us and criminalize our dissent, because the one thing they truly fear … is a political reckoning.
Thanks for reading. For more on this topic, read Far Right Thuggery & Failed Multiculturalism.
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<< We can be sure that if the racialized child of immigrants was the TARGET of an assault by white England lads (and not the perpetrator of a massacre), our elites would not simply describe the victim as “born in Cardiff”. >>
You nailed it with that statement, D.E. (and of course, with the whole essay). A good article both in its own right, and as a response to Kutty.
Excellent commentary.